Monday, April 20, 2015 12:39 PM The Telegraph Nepal.
HEADLINEVIEWSNATIONALEDITORIALSSECOND
IMPRESSIONFIVE QUESTIONSCOMMENTARYINTERNATIONALANALYSISGALLERY
Madhukar SJB Rana,
Professor South Asian
Management Institute/ Former Finance Minister
Background:
I have known Bhutanese
people from my school days in Darjeeling District from 1949-58; this extended
to, in my adult days, as follows: friendship with Lendup Dorji, 1971-78, while
exiled in Kathmandu; travels, between 1973-76, to Kolkata and Bangladesh
engaged in trade and transit matters while serving with National Trading Ltd.;
in CEDA/TU days, engagement with think tanks from Bangladesh, India, Pakistan
and Sri Lanka to promote South Asian regional cooperation; working with the
UNCTAD in Laos and Afghanistan,1979-82; frequent interaction on the UN ESCAP
Committee on Land Locked Counties; participation as adviser and/or delegate to
various SAARC Summits,1985-2003; close interaction with Bhutanese refugee
leaders in Kathmandu during the 1990s; reading newspaper article on Bhutan,
logging on to Google for information and, not least, watching Druk TV not
infrequently.
Purpose:
The aim of this article is to
show how successfully a small power, the Kingdom of Bhutan, is able to survive
and, yet, project its modern international image underscored, I hypothesize, by
lessons drawn from Singapore and Nepal.
Introduction:
In the 17th century battles
between Bhutanese and Tibetans were a commonplace. The first Tibet war was
fought in 1627 supported by Mongols. Interestingly, Portuguese Jesuits entered
Bhutan and offered firearms and a telescope with additional offers of their
services. It was declined.
In 1616,Shabdrung Rimpoche,
Ngawang Namgyal, a Tibetan lama warrior of Drukpa Kagyud Sect, founded the
state of Bhutan as a single nation from the many warring fiefdoms. Based on
Buddhism, he endowed Bhutan with a unified Drukpa Buddhist codified laws with
which the local lords could be central controlled.
Shabdrung Rimpoche died in 1651
but, for fear that new state of Bhutan would disintegrate, it was kept a state
secret for the fifty four years! Bhutanese were told that he went on a
religious retreat and so his son was called upon to rule.
Apart from warring with
Tibet supported by Mongols, Bhutan invaded Sikkim in 1680. Further, Bhutan
gains the status of an overlord country over Cooch Bihar, who had sought its
help to repel Mughal encroachment in 1730. These facts prove that Bhutan was a
significant Himalayan regional power with expansionist ambitions. It
fought two major defensive wars with Tibet (1710 and 1730) and two with British
East India Company (1774 and 1884-86), and there was a short conflict with
Nepal in present day Jhapa District.
This overlordship was lost when,
in a dispute over succession to the throne of Cooch Bihar, the Bhutan nominee
was rejected with the rival for the succession being supported by British
troops.
Thereafter, in 1772, a British
expeditionary force expels Bhutanese garrisons out of Cooch Bihar and, as a
result, Cooch Bihar becomes a British East India Company dependency.
Interestingly, now Bhutan seeks help from Tibet for military support, which
went unattended.
In 1774 Bhutan signs a
Peace Treaty with the British East India Company: Bhutan was forced to return
to its pre-1730 borders, and permit the British to harvest its timber
resources.
In the 19th century, relations
with the British were not cordial. Border tensions were growing. Between
1841-42 the British East India Company annexed Bhutan-controlled Asaam Duars
and, further, Britain regains control of Bengal Duars, which the British had
turned over to Bhutan in 1784. The two Duars were formally ceded to Britain in
1865 under the Treaty of Sinchula when Bhutan lost the Duars War.
A civil war ensues, from
1870-1875, when two rival claimants to power— one pro Tibet, Governor of Paro,
and the other the pro British Governor of Tongsa. The pro British Governor of
Trongsa, Ugen Wangchuk, consolidates power by crushing his rivals and seeks
closer relations with British India thenceforth.
Bhutan is, until 1907, a
theocratic state under the Shabdrung which ended when Ugen Wangchuk (1907-26)
is elected as King of Bhutan to commence the system of absolute monarchy
In 1910, the Treaty of Punakha
amends the Treaty of Sinchula wherein British India Empire pledges not to
interfere in the internal affairs of Bhutan. However, it was to be the
custodian of Bhutan’s foreign policy. The Bhutan-India Treaty of Peace and
Friendship of 1949 inherits the letter and spirit of the 1910 Treaty of
Punakha.
In 1926 his son, Jigme Wangchuk
(1926-52), is made a hereditary ruler and only later crowned as king
following a coronation ceremony in 1927. In 1931 the 7th Shabdrung dies and,
thereafter, no more recognition to that institution is rendered by the King of
Bhutan. In 1965 there was an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate King Jigme
Dorji Wangchuk.
In 1947 while attending the
Maharaja’s Durbar in Delhi, by virtue of the proactive policy of PM Jigme
Palden Dorji, Bhutan obtains princely state status from Britain.
Government of India, in 1949,
agreed to recognize Bhutan as a sovereign independent state provided it
accepted India’s guidance over its foreign policy. Its defense was controlled
by India. The British had not recognized it as such. It was only in 1971 that
Bhutan was admitted into the UN.
Forward:
Given the geo political reality
following India’s independence Bhutan chooses a policy of splendid isolation
from India. However, pursuant to Mao Tse Tung’s successful people’s revolution
and subsequently the Five Finger pronouncement in 1949— claiming Arunachal,
Bhutan, Lhadak, Nepal and Sikkim as part of China— India takes the lead to
break Bhutan’s splendid isolation from it with direct political interference in
its internal affairs.
With Tibet fully occupied by the
Chinese in 1950, Nehru invited King Jigme Dorji Wangchuk (ruled from 1952-72;
father of King Jigme Singay Wangchuk, who ruled from 1972 until his
abdication in 20 in favor of his son the present King Jigme Keshar
Namgyel Wangchuk,) to Delhi and demanded that Bhutan be opened up for
development and also it establish an army training camp. He managed
to do this by using the Nepalese settlers.
Nehru created, in 1952, the
Bhutan State Congress (BSC) party led by D B Gurung, a family with whom the
British had a close association through their relatives living in Darjeeling.
This party was also supplied with Nepalese living in the borders of Assam,
Bengal and Nepal. It is believed that G.P. Koirala was serving as
Nehru’s agent.
The BSC party sought to grant
Nepalese in Bhutan citizenship rights. It managed, funded by India, a
satyagraha in1952 that actually started in Patgaon, Assam using Nepalese
migrants from Assam, Bengal and Nepal.
However, the satyagrah movement
was brutally crushed, with around 27 people--none from within
Bhutan itself —being killed under the leadership of Commissioner of South
Bhutan, the main actor Julendra Bahadur Pradhan: father of Om Pradhan,
former minister in the Royal regime of King Jigme Singye Wangchuk, father
of the present King.
In 1958, 100%
Nepalese were granted full citizenship and accorded the title of
Lhotsampas. Again, in the same year King Jigme Dorji was
required to establish a 103 member National Assembly of which 16 or 15% of
seats were allotted to were Lotsamapa population. Thus Nehru had
developed a strong constituency in Bhutan amidst the Nepalese. Together
with it, Bhutan also agreed to start economic development planning upon
the visit of Nehru to Bhutan in 1958. To meet the protocol
arrangements, Jigme Palden, elder brother in law of the King, was
made Prime Minister of Bhutan.
1961-66 the First Five Year
Plan was formulated with pressure from India to do so. Its main purpose
was to build strategic roads within Bhutan. Thus all roads connecting China
border were completed during the first five year plan, both planning execution
done by DANTAK, border road organization of the Indian
Army. These were the Thimpu-Phuntsoling Highway (180 km);
Tongsa-Gylmphu Highway (150 km); Tashigaon-Samdrup Zongkhar Highway (200 km).
With PM Palden Dorji as in-charge
of the developments, his influence increased within the country and outside. It
is believed that he had established informal contact with King Mahendra
and had used platform of Colombo Plan for networking with English
speaking world, notably the Great Britain, Australia and USA. Through Nepal he
had also established contact with China, which was considered before 1958 as an
option for alignment as partner for socio-economic development cooperation.
He even embarked upon 'Hollywood
diplomacy' when Palden's brother, Lendup Dorji, invited Shirley
MacLaine as guest in 1963. She wrote the popular book "Don’t Fall Off the
Mountain”, which further helped to put Bhutan on the global social map. (Recall
that Chogyal of Sikkim has been married to the New York socialite Hope Cook in
1963 who accelerated suspicions when she elevated herself from Princess to Queen).
India’s concerned were heightened when PM Jigme invited Senators from US and
MPs from UK to collectively visit Bhutan as state guests. The increasing role
of the Dorji family in Bhutan’s affairs became India’s security concern.
It is believed that Indian
security agencies advised Nehru to convince the King to get rid of his brother
in law who was working on fomenting protest against the King, and the PM had
built his constituency in South Bhutan by using the lavish development support
from India, which he had been using from his base in Kalimpong. PM Palden
Dorji was assassinated in 1964 by royal body guard who upon investigation
revealed his link with Brigadier Chabda Namgyal Dorji, considered to be close
relative and confidant of the Wangchuck family. Brigadier Namgyal Dorji was
found guilty and publicly exterminated while the King was in Switzerland
undergoing treatment. Lendup Dorji then took upon the role of his brother
serving as acting PM without prior approval of the King. He fled later to Nepal
for political asylum fearing King’s wrath upon return.
Developments in Sikkim between
1965-70 are significant as India suspects that Sikkim’s Queen Hope is a CIA
agent with an agenda to spearhead the Pan Himalayan federation between the
Kingdoms of Bhutan, Nepal and Sikkim. This comes at a time when King Mahendra
is at the peak of his popularity in Nepal with the entry of China and
Russia massively into Nepal for infrastructure building
and industrialization.
India was not happy with this
situation and it had its agent working to foil any attempt to forge the
pan-Himalayan relationship among the three Himalayan Kingdoms. Obviously, for
India the strategy was a break in the geographical sovereign continuity. Merger
of Sikkim was an option that India was toeing which became a reality in 1975.
The King of Bhutan perhaps
perceived this soon after assassination of PM Dorji. Perhaps he missed the able
leadership of his prime minister but started engaging the Indian contacts to
arouse Chinese fear from the northern border.
Smartly, King Jigme Dorji
initiates contact with China to help pressurize India. Frequent incursions into
Bhutan increased from the north, and there were cases where Bhutanese army
personals were kidnapped by the PLA, detained for some days in the border post
and return to Bhutan unharmed. This was clearly a pressure tactics to prove support to
Bhutan King to convince India the need for Bhutan joining the UN. Much of the
lobbying was done during the time of PM Lal Bahadur Sastri but real movement on
the issue started after Indira Gandhi became the Prime Minster of India.
A couple of major events were
taking place during the time in the region. India was increasing its grip in
Sikkim by fomenting turmoil in Sikkim. The administration and security of Sikkim
had already come in the hands of India. Indira Gandhi was also planning action
in East Pakistan, with aim of creating an independent country now called
Bangladesh. Her fear of China running in aid of Pakistan from across the
Himalayas was high, and Bhutan was considered a soft belly via Chummy Valley.
She wanted to pre-empt it by securing Bhutan the UN membership. For the sake of
bigger objective India sponsored Bhutan’s membership to the United Nations.
Much of the policy and dealing at the UN was handled by Indian bureaucrats on
behalf of Bhutan during the initial period.
Indira Gandhi had become bold,
the success of action on East Pakistan and merger of Sikkim into the Indian
Union. She had instructed RAW, which was created by Mrs Gandhi in 1971, to come
up with plan to annex Bhutan and disintegrate Nepal by creating an Independent
Madhesh. A remnant
political leader of Bhutan State Congress, Debi Bhakta Lamitarey ( or
Lamichaney) , was contacted to work with Indian security agencies to foment
turmoil in Bhutan. It might be appropriate to recall that King Birendra’s
proposal of Zone of Peace in 1974 proposal and India’s refusal to sign the
separate treaty for trade and transit for Nepal happened in the light of above
development.
Indira Gandhi lost the general
election in 1977. With Janata govt in power 1977 all small sates of South Asia
got a breathing space and it was then when academics, led by Sardar Tarlok
Singh mooted the notion of South Asian regional cooperation underscoring the
legitimacy of all South Asian nations. It was, then, that Bhutan took the
proactive initiative to have its embassy in Dhaka in 1978. And the King
himself ventured to attend the NAM Summit in Havana in 1979.
On his return to India in Bombay
he gave a press briefing that he would like to revise the perpetual treaty of
Peace and Friendship of 1949. Seeing all these regional developments
(which includes the liberalization of the Sri Lankan economy under
President Jaywardene, the World Bank’s interest in Maya hydro
projects harnessing the Himalyan waters and also King Birendra’s call for
regional cooperation over water resources to include China) Indira
Gandhi was quick to react saying, at the time of the general election campaign
of 1980, that " even a Liliputian Bhutan has become a security threat for
India"
Indira Gandhi won in
the general elections but changed the Bhutan strategy and told the
King that she would support him in every way to make for a strong, independent
Bhutan. It is thus it joined WB, IMF and ADB and was allowed to have diplomatic
relations with Kuwait.
In the meantime, however, she
also instructed RAW to come up with a plan to execute a final assault on Bhutan
to make it completely beholden to India. She used emotional diplomacy using the
family ties between the Wangchuck and Nehru family introducing Rajiv Gandhi,
her son, as trusted friend and adopted relationship. She also invited the young
king as chief guest of the republic day parade in 1982. As a proof to trusted
relationship, Indira Gandhi allowed Bhutan to begin bilateral boundary
negotiations with China in 1984. Indira Gandhi served as motherly figure for
King Jigme Singe Wangchuck and Rajiv Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi became much more
than family friends.
While that cozy relationship
was building trust at the highest level, RAW was working with Subash Ghising to
foment political turmoil in Darjeeling District. The movement in Darjeeling
started after Rajiv Gandhi became the Prime Minister of India. Subash
Ghising had close rapport with Rajiv Gandhi and RAW’s interlocutor Inderit
Khullar was guiding Ghising in the violent activities. The Gorkhaland agitation
had two objective to achieve. One, to snap the communist party’s hold
in the sensitive region with landmass connection to China. And two, to build
psychological fear of the Bhutanese royalty on the increasing influence of
Lhotsampa population in Bhutan.
The Gorkhland agitation was
settled with creation of Gorkha Hill Council which has no meaningful say on
administration of the district. It is just eyewash for the public but managed
to squeeze out the communist party from the sensitive area. But it did help to
mould the thinking of the King Jigme Singhe Wangchuck to check the rising
cultural influence of Nepali population in Bhutan. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi
and King Jigme Singye Wangchuck spend three days in Bhumthang valley, some
200 KM from the capital city. The Kuensel had reported that the two leaders had
discussions on many issues; no aids were allowed to attend.
Curiously, soon after the
meeting, Bhutan came with the policy of Bhutanization program and census
re-enumeration exercise, targeted both to Lhotsampa population. Bhutan decided
to make compulsory wearing of national dress even in the villages, drop the
teaching of Nepali language in school, and some 17000 Lhotsampas were declared
non-nationals falling into category 2 to 7. An appeal to the king to redress
these grievances turned out later to be the seed of mass demonstration in 1990
and eventual creation of refugee problem in Nepal.
Indira Gandhi created RAW but
Rajiv Gandhi served as the conduit to implement its agenda in the region,
During his time IPKF were posted in Sri Lanka, the infamous 1989 Treaty of
Peace and Friendship was sent to King Birendra to accept as a new treaty to
replace the 1950, orchestrated the demise of the Panchayat regime in Nepal by
instituting the blockade in 1989, and cajoling the creation of Bhutan refugee
problem. It is hard to say what would have happened in the region if Rajiv
Gandhi had survived the wrath of Tamil militants and again became prime
minister of India. Definitely, he had many plans under his sleeves, which could
have changed the political boundary of many nations.
Given all the above developments,
and seeing where Bhutan stands now-- a proud, politically stable nation with a
robust multi party parliamentary democracy and constitutional monarchy-- the
kings of Bhutan can be judged as astute nationalists, who sought to preserve
the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Kingdom at all cost.
The king of kings is, to my mind, is Jigme Singe Wangchuk,
father of the present Monarch, for his astute geo political sagacity and
statesmanship. He is also the originator of the internationally recognized
development soft power-- calling for Gross National Happiness nourished by a
Green Economy. He has succeeded in raising Bhutan’s per capita income as the
second highest in South Asia after Maldives. This is no small feat by any
measure. He has also created a modern bureaucracy that has learnt to respect
the rule of law that is rapidly being professionalized fully grounded on
meritocracy, free from political machinations.
Former king Jigme Singe Wangchuk is, to me, the most
successful nation builder and strategist in the annals of modern South Asian
history. He commendable
achievements fully deserves an international peace prize for securing global
support to solve the refugee problem, engaging China on the resolution of the
boundary issue, playing proactive role for regional and sub regional
cooperation; and, not least, for laying a solid foundation for sustained
economic growth and development geared towards rapidly attaining the status of
a middle income economy.
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Comments
·
Posted on - 2015-04-19
by mana ranjan josse
·
Interesting on first, quick reading. Substantial comments
only possible after careful scrutiny. I find it difficult to accept Bhutan as
fully sovereign when, by the Indo-Bhutan Treaty of 1949 (signed, of all places,
in Darjeeling) she chooses to be guided by India as far as her external
relations go, as also for defence. Also, it ought to be mentioned, for the
record at least, that while one Indian official, Harishwar Dayal, signed on
behalf of GOI, on the Bhutanese side, it had to have the signatures of seven
officials! In other words, one Indian = seven Bhutanese! I tell-tale equation,
what? In Nepal's case, as you know, the two individuals who signed the 1950
Treaty were the Indian Ambassador and the Nepali Prime Minister. It might have
been useful, too, to mention that while Darjeeling originally belonged to
neighbouring Sikkim, Kalimpong was Bhutan's.
·
Posted on - 2015-04-18
by Birat Simha
·
Excellent article. While Bhutan's economic development is
laudable, let us not overlook (a) it is a semi-sovereign state with foreign
policy and defence under Indian control; (b) the creation of the
Bhutanese-Nepalese refugees, with Indian complicity, is nothing to be lauded.
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