Tuesday, February 25, 2014

INDIA: Unfit Police Officers

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AHRC-STM-035-2014
February 24, 2014
A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission

The report by the Director General of Police (DGP), Mr. K. S. Balasubramanian, in the southern state of Kerala to the government, that most of the police officers of the rank of Sub-Inspector of Police are corrupt, inept to discharge their duties and are clinically lazy, speaks volumes about the capacity of the state's police to serve the people. So far, similar claims were sidelined as mere allegations made by the civil society. The public perception that police officers are criminals in uniform was dismissed as unverified and gross misrepresentation of facts. Now that the head of the police in a state has come to the same conclusion implies that the accusations so far made by the civil society and the public perception, were not mere assumptions, but hard fact.
The reported filed by the chief of police in Kerala, squarely applies to the rest of the country, though similar revealing and honest attempts are absent in rest of India. Given the total strength of police officers in India is 1,585,353 the number of police officers that are unfit to serve the country must be a disturbing news to any responsible government.
That law-enforcement officers in India are grossly unfit to serve is not news. What is shocking however is the neglectful approach that the Union Government as well as the state governments have taken so far on such a serious issue.
The former Home Minster of Kerala state, Mr. Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, once said that corruption among police constables in the state is exceptionally high and that it is an issue to be immediately addressed. He said so, during the graduation ceremony of police constables in Kerala. Subsequent to this, the former DGP, Mr. Jacob Punnose, filed an affidavit in the state high court that 605 police officers are facing inquiries against alleged crimes they have committed. The charges include that of corruption, murder, rape and also torture and deaths in custody. Senior officers like the Additional Director General of Police, Mr. S Pulikessi; Inspector General, Mr. Tomin J Thachankary; and Deputy Inspector General, Mr. S. Sreejith are also included in this infamous list.
In jurisdictions where law-enforcement agencies are considered vital institutions that are foundational to a mature democratic society, abrasions of law-enforcement officers are not tolerated. Discipline and adherence to the rule of law, in every aspect of an officer's private and public life are monitored and corrective actions, wherever possible, made immediately. For instance, in Hong Kong, police officers have strict limitations concerning even private debt an officer could incur. If an officer is found to have accumulated private debts, which are beyond an officer's capacity to repay, there are procedures in place that could even end up in an officer losing his or her job. Concerning allegations of indiscipline that have resulted in charges of crime, the officer is immediately placed off duty, the crimes investigated and the officer is prosecuted without delay.
Such hard and fast positions are drawn-up for officers to strictly adhere, due to the recognition governments give to the fundamental fact that a law-enforcement officer is the first in line to defend the rights and entitlements of a citizen. Police reforms that have taken place in jurisdictions where law-enforcement officers are meticulously expected to follow operational as well as legal mandates, that considerably contributed to stamping out corruption in these jurisdictions, have also improved the morale, capacity and the preparedness of the law-enforcement agencies to deal with emergencies, including prevention of crime. The Danish police is often voted by the general public in that country as one of the best civil service institutions in Denmark.
On the contrary, in countries like India, the government intentionally keeps law-enforcement agencies as a corrupt, inept and deeply demoralised institution. This is because those forming governments prefer a demoralised law-enforcement agency that is incapable and unwilling to discharge its duties as expected in a democracy, since that alone is the guaranteed process by which the privileged in countries like India could hold on to their priorities, that are often based also on corruption and crimes.
Unfortunately in India, so far, the subject of police reforms has taken a back seat, even within the police force. Due to lack of internal support and isolation, efforts like those taken by Mr. Prakash Singh finds minimal resonance within the force, and is ignored and waylaid by immoral and criminal forces operating within the establishment.
It is such appalling circumstances that leads to situations like what that has been explained with ample proof in the DGP, Mr. K. S. Balasubramanian's report to the government. It is the political patronage that corruption receives across India that allows dubious characters that the former DGP, Mr. Jacob Punnose, has named in his affidavit to the court, to continue in service. It is the absence of interest by the larger Indian civil society to address this foundational problem of institution development that maintains the country as an underperforming democracy.
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For further information: In Hong Kong, Bijo Francis, india@ahrc.asia, Telephone: +852 26986339
About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation that monitors human rights in Asia, documents violations and advocates for justice and institutional reform to ensure the protection and promotion of these rights. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

Monday, February 24, 2014

Connecting with the People of Nepal:

 - Dr Linda Spedding

As this year marks the bicentenary of Nepal-UK relations I would like to add warm congratulations to the people of Nepal at this time. Indeed, I would like to add my support by reaching out to the Nepalese people who are now about to give shape to the Constitution and to begin a new era of democracy, justice, transparent respect for human rights and inclusive development. I wish the people all success for theirnewt Constitution and positive progress into peace and prosperity after a long period of difficulty.
Having made appropriate research, it is my understanding that Nepal’s economy can be built on very healthy and inclusive lines, duly leveraging its core competencies and by working on the parameters that constitute the global competitiveness and the human development indices. It is timely for Nepal tobecome a competitive economy and move up the global competitiveness index which comprises of 12 categories – the pillars of competitiveness – which togetherprovide a picture of a country’s competitive landscape. The recognized pillars are: institutions, infrastructure, macroeconomic environment, health and primary education, higher education and training, goods market efficiency, labor market efficiency, financial market development, technological readiness, market size, business sophistication and innovation which need to be worked on most diligently.Moreover Nepal should be allowed the opportunity to become a prime exemplary destination that is transparent and inclusive, reflecting the spirit of the majestic summit of the world that the Himalayas epitomize.    
I have always loved this beautiful country and its rich tradition. While we as a country have had a long history of cooperation, I as an individual have felt an empathy with Nepal, and have kept track of how it has evolved during my professional life in terms of its economic development, upkeep of the sanctity of human rights, civil liberties, freedom of speech, et al. Accordingly, I would like tooffer some thoughts in the area of energy, economics and sustainability on the development side. Moreover, on the legal side I would highlight environmental, constitutional and international law to assist the positive empowerment of the civil society in its endeavor to carve a bright future for its constituents (bearing in mind my experience over the last three decades (www.lindaspedding.org).Accordingly I would like to make a few suggestions that may be helpful in the selection of priorities that need consideration and implementation.

There are many potential areas that, in my view, after seeking appropriate guidance, can blossom under the right leadership and stewardship. I will comment on a few aspects mentioned that are vital: energy, environment and economic best practice. For instance I am advised that one of the highest priorities on the development side lies in the need to help Nepal harness its hydel power potentialfully and appropriately. This should enable the nation to transform itself as an economic powerhouse, as well as its people’s lives, to a degree that they deserve. Well developed and appropriate tourism is another opportune area where its strength may be harnessed so that the real potential of Nepal can be appreciated.

In the area of sustainable forestry and forestation, Nepal has been regarded as having similar potential to Finland, one of the most competitive economies today with one of the highest PCI, largely as a result of its forest-based economy. With the world’s strongest and most valuable species of timber – “Salwood” – evidently enjoying robust growth in Nepal, it is vital that such potential be allowed to develop.  I further understand that a vast area in the country lies as wasteland andshould be brought under forest cover in some way (whether by the public or private sector or in partnership). I understand that not only the wastelands, but also the hills in the “Chure” and “Mahabharat” ranges, are extremely suited to be afforested, and, that the existing forest cover could be reforested and scientifically taken up for best yield. Interestingly, I am informed that, thanks to the topography, with more lands covered by hills, the total area available for plantation in Nepal is much higher than an equivalent amount of area would be on the plains. In effect, therefore, the Himalayan nation has the advantage of a higher area than what statistics may show.

The above should serve many purposes simultaneously. A larger part of the forests could serve to attain economic returns in a planned and sustainable manner while another part would help maintain an environmental equilibrium that benefits not only Nepal but also the region at large. All of this should help contribute in sequestering Co2 in the region and the country would have gains from Carbon Credits as a result and subject to proper guidance. Alongside forestry, the farmers can pursue intercropping and cattle farming to provide a livelihood.

A related suggestion concerns the land usage. If about 30% area of Nepal - which today, I understand, constitutes either a sum of wasteland or under-used lands - is brought into fresh forest cover, it would mean 4.5 million hectares of land wherethere could be 600 million trees of various species. In terms of economic return, evidently today the figures are that one cft of Salwood timber of Nepal origin fetches at least 150 USD in the international market (while that of other origin at lower prices). Other species would fetch less but would yield faster. This could alsobe advantageous (imagine an 8-year cycle of harvesting in case of a softwood specie called “Popular”). It may be that a combination of the two kinds (long-gestation species and short-gestation ones) could help constitute an ideal model for Nepal. This could attract many billion dollars every year on a sustainable basis since evidently whatever number of trees are harvested in a year, are replanted soon after and the cycle continues.

It seems timely for Nepal to be modeled along the lines of one of the most competitive nations in terms of its per capita income, Switzerland (the country with which its comparison is often drawn in the tourism area) provided that proper policies of international standard (including eco tourism and sustainable tourism) are developed or, for that matter, any other developed nation in the world which has similar potential. What is required, is responsible and due leveraging of core competencies and potential.

For instance, a responsible energy policy is paramount. As regards harnessing the hydel power resources, as well as wind, solar and biomass energy resources, Ibelieve that this may be achieved by using all the information, skills, wisdom and network available to enable this in a prudent and responsible manner. I am informed that to date, out of 83000 MW or so of the feasible potential, not even 1000 MW have been enabled. A holistic approach to realizing this objective, with appropriate scientific involvement, should ensure success provided that any dams are modeled and built in a sustainable manner. I am advised that one challenge lies in convincing the larger hydel power developers in the world to invest. This could be negotiated on a basis that a win-win dispensation is established between Nepal and themselves against a long term power purchase agreement (PPA) which will need to be signed with neighbors who have a deficit of power supplies and are in need ofmuch larger supply than what Nepal may be able to produce (subject to expertdetailed feasibility and sustainability assessment of course). Once this happens,there should be a multiplier effect in the economy with several growth engines active. I am informed that even with an initial harnessing of one third of thepotential in the first phase it will mean more than 500 million units of power every day, benefitting Nepalese lives hugely. A substantial portion of the revenue could be invested in human potential and well-being.

Simultaneously, infrastructure in terms of roads, bridges and all round appropriate development, including cottage industries, can occur. Organized sector jobs which were hitherto few, will be available and slowly many of the young people who have had to move out of the country for financial reasons will be encourages to comeback home and work.
 

There are indeed many areas where I believe that sound contributions may bemade in Nepal, based upon my experience, including in the context of the reputation and perception of the country. For example, there have been reports relating to money laundering, illicit outflow of funds from Nepal and vice versa, VAT scams, Bank scams etc. These can of course damage a country’s economy and confidence: they are serious issues that need to be addressed with technical expertise. Indeed, there are several reports that point out a very high incidence of illicit financial flows from Nepal, such as that of Global Financial Integrity (GFI) (http://www.ekantipur.com/the-kathmandu-post/2012/12/18/money/capital-flight-8b-siphoned-off-nepal-in-10-yrs-gfi-report/243057.html)   Nepal evidently lost 8 billion US Dollars to illicit outflows in a decade 2001-2010 averaging 800 million Dollars/annum which is high for an economy with a reported GDP of just about 20 billion US Dollars. Nepal is ranked 6th in this report amongst the 48 LDCs (Least Developed Countries studied). This issue requires priority attention, as it does with other economies, to achieve a healthy and sustainable future with proper regulated international banking systems in place.
Written by GFI Lead Economist Dev Kar, the report (published December 2012),entitled “Illicit Financial Flows from the Least Developed Countries”, examines how structural characteristics of LDCs could be facilitating the cross-border transfer of illicit funds, discusses methodological issues underlying estimates of illicit flows and presents an analysis of the magnitude of such flows. Illicit flows seriously impede LDCs’ efforts to raise resources for social and economic development. These flows are often absorbed into banks, tax havens, and offshore financial centers in developed countries. Factors that drive illicit flows from LDCs may be broadly classified into three categories macroeconomic, structural, and governance-related. It is likely that structural and governance issues are driving the bulk of illicit outflows: this needs to be examined on a case-by-case basis. These issues requirecareful handling by professionals and must be addressed to allow for propereconomic progress.
While the UK and Nepal are commemorating 2014 as its Bicentenary year of cooperation I would also like to mention other aspects that are close to my heart.
Whereas economic development in this developing nation assumes prime importance, issues of human dignity, civil liberties and freedom at large, are no less critical. The circumstances in Nepal, as was well known, were problematic until 1990 when democracy was restored. Improvements took some time to evolve and it was only in February 1993 that the world began to have first hand information from Nepal on issues of human rights, civil liberties and freedom at large. This wastwo years after Nepal’s Constitution was amended to allow a free press in the country, as manifested through the vision of Shyam Goenka who founded Kantipur Publications. The impact of a free press was immense. I understand that in fact the newspaper went on to shape the future course of the democracy and work diligentlyto wear off the old legacy. From being a nation whose press was monopolized by the Government, there evolved a vibrant voice of the transforming democratic nation with an impact on all areas of development and the socio-political course as a true growth engine and a catalyst.

Indeed, I now understand that Shyam Goenka is working on another visionaryinitiative for the empowerment of the Nepalese milieu with decentralized newspaper editions using ICT for development across areas of education, healthcare, governance, local development, agriculture, livelihoods, environment, employment avenues, et al in each of the 75 districts of Nepal. This initiative would cater to the aspirations of the residents of all the 35000 odd villages in about 4000 VDCs and should be a worthy experience towards rural empowerment. His aim is to ensure that the newspaper should reach each village in time and the grievances from each village would be brought to the press for publication. The Governmentrepresentatives would respond to such grievances duly addressing those completing the cycle and assisting with positive change. The role of the media in enabling positive change in society has long been understood and recognized. It is to be hoped that in the new era of democracy such an initiative for the people will duly flourish. It is inspiring to recall how the individual spirit and vision can enable positive change for many.

Once again I do hope that Nepal is in every right way on the road to a sustainable, prosperous and healthy future that the nation deserves, honoring its special place in the world.

Dr Linda Spedding holds an LL.B. (Hons), LL.M., Ph.D. She is a Solicitor (England & Wales), and Advocate (India) and an Attorney (USA). Having worked with international law firms, she set up her own practice and remains a consultant to law firms and institutions. Dr. Spedding has authored many articles for professional journals and several books for a professional and business audience, including“Environmental Management for Business”  “Due Diligence and Corporate Governance” and “FDI and Globalisation”. She has been an international advisor to many commercial and professional bodies both in the private and public sector, including SERM and EFR, as well as major development projects. She has served on several committees, including the SCI Business Strategy Committee and the ABA International Section Committee on CSR

Intuition comes Suddenly: Eintein.

Photo: School Of Thoughts

Indonesia: calls for US to acknowledge its role in 1965 killings


Indonesia: Oscar-nominated documentary filmmaker Joshua Oppenheimer calls for US to acknowledge its role in 1965 killings
16 February 2014
Oscar-nominated documentary filmmaker Joshua Oppenheimer on Tuesday called on the US to acknowledge its role in Indonesia’s communist purge after screening The Act of Killing, his film on 1965 death-squad leaders, for US Congress members and staff.
“Fifty years is a long time to not call a genocide a genocide,” he said. “If we want to have a constructive and an ethical relationship with Indonesia moving forward, we have to acknowledge the crimes of the past and we have to acknowledge our collective role in supporting those crimes, in participating in those crimes and ultimately in ignoring those crimes,” he said.
The Army, with the help of civilian death squads, killed 500,000 to 1 million people between 1965 and 1966 after the assassination of six army generals in an alleged communist coup attempt. The US government, which at the time was waging a war against Vietnamese communists, was reportedly pleased with the crushing of communism in Indonesia, and saw it as a success in their containment policy. Declassified CIA documents and investigative reports by journalist Kathy Kadane have showed that the US supported the communist purge by providing a list to the Army of around 5,000 people to be killed. The US then supported the Soeharto regime, responsible for orchestrating the massacres, as the new regime took over the country.
Despite the enormity of the crime, the International Criminal Court could not try the perpetrators of the 1965 genocide as it happened before the signing of the Rome Statute that founded the court. “What can happen is a special tribunal like the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia can be formed and that usually happens at the level of the UN Security council,” Oppenheimer said. “Before that can happen, probably the countries that were involved with supporting this, will actua
lly have to say ‘Hey enough time has gone by for us to become comfortable with acknowledging what has happened here, in the name of addressing impunity and corruption in the fourth most populous country in the world’,” he said. “We need to pursue this because this was in fact a crime against humanity,” he said.
The Act of Killing was recently nominated for an Oscar Award in the Best Documentary category. The chilling film that follows death-squad leader Anwar Congo happily re-enacting the killings of 1965 has picked up awards in film festivals around the world. In Indonesia, the film has been shown in thousands of underground screenings across the country and as of Sept. 30 last year has been available for download in Indonesia. It has become a catalyst for national conversation on a topic that was largely buried under government propaganda during the Soeharto regime and self-censorship afterreformasi (reformation).
“Bringing it here [Washington] is a new step in that journey for me,” Oppenheimer said. “I’m just pretty moved sitting here talking to you because it has been our hope that this would start a conversation everywhere about this past and about who we are as human beings in some deeper ways as well,” he said to the audience.
US Senator Tom Udall, who sits on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, organized the Tuesday night screening. “When I heard about this film, I thought that this should be given an opportunity for members of congress and staff and everybody to see,” he said.
Some 60 people, mostly staffers of Senators, attended the screening held at the Library of Congress. The audience was silent for a couple of moments after the film ended before giving a somber applause. After watching the film, Udall called Oppenheimer an artist. “Artists sometimes tell us stories that we don’t want to hear, that we don’t want to face. They open a reality to us,” he said.
Udall said it was significant that the film was screened here. “This is our nation’s capital. This is the seat of government. As you heard from his [Oppenheimer’s] interview, we [the US] were involved. So it’s important that this space be created to have a discussion also,” he said.
Prodita Sabarini, Contributor, Washington, DC, Sun

Tuesday, February 18, 2014

अबको राज्य: (नयाँ संविधानको सन्दर्भमा):



सर्वोच्च अदालतको ०७० पुष १८ गतेको परमादेशले नौलो तरंग ल्याएको छ. न्यायका विश्वव्यापी मान्यताबाट नेपाल भाग्न पाउने छैन. स्थापित निकायलाई छल्ने कमजोर पार्ने गरि कुनै पनि काम गर्न पाइन्न. र, सार्वभौम जनताको प्रतिनिधीहरु भनेका जनताका भलाइका शर्तमा खटाइएका व्यक्ति हुन. लोकतान्त्रिक शासनमा सरकार मालिक होइन जिम्मेवार रक्षक मात्र हो.
अत: सत्य निरुपण तथा मेलमिलाप सम्बन्धि र बेपत्ता सम्बन्धी फरक फरक कानुन र निकाय बनाउ.
अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय फौजदारी अदालतको अनुमोदन गर.
गंभीर प्रकृतिका अपराधलाई सम्बोधन गर्न भूतलक्षी कानुन बनाऊ.
कानुनको शासन मान्ने ले के मान्नु पर्छ भने सबै नागरिक कानुनका अगाडी समान छन्. जब कानुनका अगाडी सबै समान छन् भने कुनै पनि नाम वा बहानामा भेदभाव गर्न पाइन्न.
संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ द्वारा प्रतिपादित सिद्दान्त अनुसार प्रत्येक व्यक्तिले अवसरमा समानता पाउनु पर्छ.

अवसरमा समानताको अर्थ हो प्राप्त अवसरमा प्रतिष्पर्धा गर्ने समानता. प्रतिष्पर्धा गर्ने क्षमता बिकाश गर्ने र राजकीय संरक्षण प्राप्त गर्ने जनताको मौलिक  मानवअधिकार हो. तर मानव अधिकार भनेको कसैको अधिकार खोसेर उपभोग गर्ने बस्तु होइन. त्यसैले आर्थिक, सामाजिक, अधिकारका बिषयमा मानवअधिकारका प्रत्येक सिद्धान्तले राज्यले न्यायिक तवरले श्रोतको उपयोग गर्दै जनताका आवश्यकता परिपूर्तिको नियमन गर्ने छ भनेर लेख्ने गरेको छ.
त्यसैले राज्यको मुख्य काम जनतामा रहेको प्रतिष्पर्धात्मक क्षमताको बिकाशका लागि अनुकुल अवस्था र श्रोत व्यवस्थापन गर्नु हो.पछाडी परेकाहरुको क्षमता बिकाशमा बढी लगानी गर्नु राज्यको कर्तब्य हो.
मानवअधिकारका सिद्धान्त जड छैनन्. बैज्ञानिक छन्. त्यसलाई बल पुय्राउन अनेकन बिषयमा बेग्लै सभा सम्मेलन गर्ने गरिएको छ. कुनै बेलामा जब राज्यहरु एकल जातिका हुन्थे त्यहाँ फरक जातिका मान्छेले बेग्लै अपहेलित जीवन जिउनु पर्थ्यो. अहिलेपनि उत्तर कोरिया जस्ता देशमा बैचारिक हिसाबले शासक पार्टी भन्दा बाहेकका मान्छेले सपरिवार सबै खाले कोपभाजन बन्नु पर्छ. माल्दिभ्स जस्तो आधुनिक राज्यमा सुन्नी बाहेकले नागरिकता पाउने अधिकार राख्दैनन्.
हामीकहाँ एकातिर हामी आधुनिक राज्य भन्दै छौं. अन्तरजातीय विवाहलाई राज्यस्तर बाटै प्रोत्साहित गर्दै छौं. तर जातीय नाम र अग्राधिकार सहित सुद्ध नश्लवादी चिन्तनको राजनीति बाट पनि पीडित बन्दै छौं. मधेसको कुरा गरौँ, मधेसमा प्रचलित परम्परागत भाषा बोल्नेलाइ मात्र मधेसी भन्दै बाँकीलाई लखेट्ने काम एकातिर गर्ने अनि फेरी मधेसमा बसोबास गर्ने सबैलाई जोडेर हुने जनसंख्याको आधारमा आरक्षण माग्ने कुरा पनि राजनीति नै भएको छ.
के अबको नेपालमा जातीय सीमाहद तोकिने छ? स्वतन्त्र बीचरण, बसोबास र परिवारको अधिकार खोसिने छ? सम्भव छ? फेरी जातीय/धार्मिक कानुन ब्युँताइने छ? अहिलेको विभाजनको यात्राले पुय्राउने ठाउँ त त्यहि हो. यदि कोहि सर्वधर्म मान्छु अथवा म नास्तिक हुन्छु भन्छ भने नया नेपालमा पाउने कि नपाउने? को कुन जति को हो कि होइन भन्ने कुराको फैसला गर्न के अब फेरी धर्म गुरुको फैसलामा भर पर्नु पर्ने दिन आउने भयो? आफ्नो परिचयका बारेमा अन्तिम फैसला गर्ने व्यक्तिको अधिकार अब सकिने भयो नेपालमा? धन्न बाल कृष्ण सम, भवानी भिक्षू जस्ताले बेलैमा मृत्यु वरण गरेछन.
नाममा के छ? आदिकालका बासिन्दाका नाममा राज्य चाहियो रे. आदिकालको जस्तै छ अहिले पनि देशको जनसंख्याको अन्तरघुलन? आदिकाल खोज्ने हो भने मानव बस्ति भन्दा पहिलेका प्राकृतिक धरोहर कै नाममा राज्यको नाम चाहिं किन राख्न नहुने? नामको पछाडी विभाजनको भावार्थ लुकेको छ. द्वन्द्वको मानसिकता लुकेको छ. र त्यसलाई भजाएर केहि टाठाबाठाको राजनीतिक नेतृत्व हत्याउने षड्यन्त्र लुकेको छ.
बिकशित देशमा कसैसंग परिचय माग्दा उनले आफ्नो पेशागत, क्षमतागत परिचय दिनेछन; म स्वास्थ्यकर्मी, अनुसन्धानकर्ता, शिक्षाकर्मी, ब्यापारी, आदि. हामीकहाँ जन्मले आदिवासी संधैको आदिवासी, जनजाती संधैको जनजाती, दलित संधैको दलित. जन्मको परिचय र स्थितिमा नागरिकलाई थन्क्याउने षड्यन्त्र हो कि होइन?
अस्ट्रेलिया वा इटालीको कुरा गरौँ. आदिवासीको राज्य हडपेर ति देश बने. अहिले आदिवासीहरु राज्यको सहायतामा रमाएर त बसेका छन्. तर तिनका सन्तान जो आधुनिक भए सबै पुरानो थलो छाडेर हिंडी सके. हामीले प्रजा, कुसुण्डा, राउटेहरुलाइ राज्यको मुलधारमा ल्याउने कि संधै त्यहि जंगली अवस्थामा राखी राख्ने? त्यसो भए हाम्रो आधुनिक राज्यको परिभाषा के?
राज्यले अवसर दिने हो. अवसरको उपभोग गर्न सक्ने सक्षम नागरिक निर्माणकालागि भएको श्रोत, साधनको न्यायोचित लगानी गर्ने हो. सक्षम नागरिक नहुन्जेल राज्यकोष भरिन्न. धनी नागरिक भएपछि मात्र राज्य धनी हुन्छ.

जनताको आर्थिक उन्नति र बौद्धिक उन्नयनमा राज्यले संरचनागत लगानी गर्ने हो. अवसर दिने हो. राज्य चलाउनेले सार्वजनिक जिम्मेवारी र व्यक्तिगत जवाफदेहिता बढ्नेगरी काम गर्ने हो. तर अवसरको खोजि, त्यसप्रतिको चासो, जाँगर र व्यक्तिगत संलग्नता नभएकाहरु फेरी पनि मगन्ते नै हुन्छन. विश्वमा धनी र सामाजिक न्यायले भरिपूर्ण मुलुकमा पनि सडक र स्टेसन हरुमा पलेटी कसेर भिक्षा माग्नेलाई कसले रोकेर सक्छ?

Wednesday, February 5, 2014

बेलैमा चेते बेश

                                                                                                                                                     
 

                                             
यतिबेला हामी असफल संबिधानसभाको दोश्रो पाइला सार्न खोज्दै छौं. यो संबिधानसभा पनि तिनै असफल नेताहरुको नेतृत्वमा चल्न अभिशप्त छ भन्ने कुरा हामीले बिर्सनु हुन्न. मानिसहरुलाई वैज्ञानिक समाजवादी, क्रान्तिकारी र सामन्तवाद बिरोधी कहलाइएकाहरूले कबिला तन्त्र र आदिम क्रुरताको मनोविज्ञानमा चुर्लुम्म डुबाई सकेका छन् भन्ने कुराको पनि हेक्का राख्नु पर्छ. संबिधानसभा सचिवालयले प्रकाशित गरेको पहिलो संबिधानसभाका बिभिन्न समितिहरुमा छलफल गरिएका र त्यहाँ सहमति गरिएका ढड्डा पढ्ने गम्भीर अध्येताले राम्ररी बुझेका होलान कि बिगतका सभासदले असम्भव काल्पनिक स्वर्गको खेश्रा कोर्ने कर्म शानदार ढंगले गरेका थिए. संबिधान, कानुन र प्रस्तावना भनेको एक अर्काका पुरक हुन र नेता भनेको जनतालाई फुर्क्याउने, उचाल्ने होइन कि दीर्घकालीन राष्ट्रिय हीतकालागि तत्पर पार्न सक्ने व्यक्तित्व हो भन्ने कुरा संग बिगत संबिधानसभाका नेताको गोरु बेचेको साइनो पनि रहेन र अहिले पनि छैन. निर्लज्जतापूर्वक तिनै असफल, स्वघोषित उच्चस्तरीय - माननीय घोषणा गर्छन कि बिगतका सहमतिको उनीहरु स्वामित्व लिन्छन. उनीहरुले निर्वाचन घोषणापत्रमा समेत यो कुरा लेख्न भ्याइदिए. हामीलाई थाहा छ, कानुनको शासनको सर्वोच्च रुप संबिधान हो. बिगतका सहमति समितिहरुमा भए होलान, नेताहरुका निजि कोठे गफ, बैठक, मनोरंजनमा भए होलान. तर कुनै पनि प्रस्ताव संबैधानिक समितिमा पुगेकै छैन. त्यहाँ बाट पारित भएपछि बल्ल संबिधानसभाको पूर्ण बैठकले पारित गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ. यी कुनै बिधि नपुय्राइएको बिषयलाई स्वामित्व लिन्छौं कि लिन्छौं भन्नेलाइ के भन्ने? हरेक शब्दको अगाडी जन जोडेर पार्टीलाई कानुन, व्यक्तिको सम्पत्ति र जीवन भन्दा माथि ठान्ने एमाओवादीका बोली र कर्मले हैरान भएका जनता संग पुरानै कांग्रेस, एमाले पट्टि फर्कनु को बिकल्प थिएन. नागरिक समाज, पत्रकार र पेशागत व्यक्तित्वहरु एमाओवादीसंग हैरान र सन्त्रस्त थिए. त्यसमाथि निर्वाचनका नियम र नैतिकतालाई खुलेआम तोड्ने काममा मधेसी र एमाओवादीले जे जस्तो ताल, तिकडम र ध्वाँस देखाउने काम गरे त्यसबाट नेपालको बौद्धिक जमात पुरै झस्कियो. थ्रेशहोल्ड नमान्ने, उम्मेदवारले समपत्ती घोषणा गर्न नपर्ने, जस्तो सुकै फौजदारी अभियोग लागेकाले पनि निर्धक्क चुनाव लड्न पाउने, तिस प्रतिशत सम्म उम्मेदवार उठाउने पार्टीले समावेशी उम्मेदवारी दिन नपर्ने आदि कुराको वकालत मधेसी पार्टीले गर्थे र एमाओवादी पार्टी चार हात उफ्रेर त्यस्ता प्रस्तावको समर्थन गर्थ्यो. कांग्रेस, एमाले त सरेआम लम्पसारवादी छँदै थिए. तिनीहरुको जन्मै हरेक उत्ताउलोपनको अगाडी लम्पसार रहनका लागि भएजस्तो देखिन्थ्यो . उम्मेदवार मनोनयनका बेलामा जब एमाओवादीले सर्वोच्च अदालतले ज्यानमारा भनेर सजाय तोकेको बालकृष्ण ढुंगेललाई उम्मेदवार तोक्यो  सर्वोच्च अदालतमा उजुरी गरेर त्यसलाई रोक्न पीडित परिवार बाध्य भए. अनि त्यतिले नपुगेर तिनै ढुंगेललाई जब समानुपातिकमा पनि एमाओवादीले उम्मेदवार बनायो त्यसको बिरुद्ध पनि अर्की समानुपातिककी उम्मेदवार राम कुमारी झाँक्रीको नाम बाट फेरी उजुरी गरेर निरस्त गर्नु पय्रो. यस्ता खुलेआम जबर्जस्तीका चरित्रका कारण एमाओवादीका बिरुद्ध चेतनशील नागरिक समाज जुर्मुरायो. कांग्रेस, एमाले आफु बलियो भएर होइन कि एमाओवादी बेलगाम उत्ताउलो भै दिएका कारण उनीहरु चुनावमा बलिया देखा परेका हुन. एमाओवादीसंग अहिले सच्चिने यत्ति धेरै अवसर छ कि त्यसको उदात्त प्रयोग गर्ने हो भने आगामी कुनै पनि चुनावमा उसले राम्रो नतिजाको कल्पना गरे हुन्छ. तर घुमी फिरी रुम्जाटार भने जस्तो एमाओवादीको समस्यापनि नेतृत्व पंक्तिको नितान्त निजि आकांक्षा कै वरिपरी रुमल्लिएको छ.

एकातिर हामी धर्म निरपेक्ष भयौं. जन्मका आधारमा पारिवारिक, सामाजिक, राजनीतिक हैसियत रहने सामन्तवाद बाट पनि मुक्त भयौं तर पहिचानका आधार चाहिं त्यहि जन्म, कुल, थर राख्नुपर्छ भनेर हाहाकार गरेको गरै छौं. पहिचानका लागि सबभन्दा पुराना वासिन्दाकै जात, थर चाहिने. तिनी भन्दा पुराना प्राकृतिक धरोहर, संस्कृतिक धरोहर चाहिं नहुने तर सामाजिक सदभाव भन्न पनि नछोड्ने भयौं. अन्तरजातीय विवाहलाई प्रोत्साहित गर्छौं हामी तर शुद्ध नस्लवादी चिन्तनको गुलाम भएका छौं. के कस्तो होला एकसय बर्ष पछी हाम्रो समाजको अन्तरघुलन? कि हामी कट्टर मुल्लावादी समाजमा फर्किन्छौँ? माल्दिभ्समा जन्मजात सुन्नी नभई नागरिकता पाइन्न. हामी कस्तो कट्टरता तर्फ जाँदै छौं त? मलाइ सम्झना छ, असफल संबिधानसभामा मुस्लिमकालागि बेग्लै शरियत कानुन चाहिन्छ भनेर जोडदार माग भयो. उग्रवादी, बिखण्डनवादी, लम्पसारवादी केहि नेताले सार्वजनिक रुपमै समर्थन गरि पनि हाले. मैले एकजना मुस्लिम सभासद्लाई सोधें, " किन यस्तो बेग्लै कानुन"? उहाँले भन्नु भयो "शरियत महिलाकालागि न्यायपूर्ण छ". मैले भने न्यायपूर्ण कुरा त सबैकालागि माग गर्नुस न, किन मुस्लिमकालागि मात्र? असफल संविधानसभामा प्रस्तावित मौलिक हकको फेहरिस्त पढ्नासाथ थाहा हुन्छ कि हाम्रा नेताले सरकारलाई कुनै मनकारी जीन, परमेश्वर भन्ठानेका छन्. खाने, बस्ने, काम गर्ने, बेरोजगारी भत्ता पाउने, मनोरंजन गर्ने, लगाउने आदि आवश्यकताका अथवा रहरका तपाइँ कल्पना मात्र गर्नुस साराका सारा कुरा राज्यले पुय्राइदिने छ. पुय्राएन छ भने वाकायदा मुद्दा हाल्नुस. नाका चालले पुय्राउने छ. राज्य भनेको जनताको उत्पादनशीलता र बौद्धिक उन्नयनको सगोल हो भन्ने कुरा कसैले बुझ्नै चाहन्नन्. राज्य संग छ, र प्रशस्त छ. त्यसले हामीलाई, हामीले थाहा नपाएको सयकडौ वा हजारौं बर्ष पहिले हो कि कहिले हो, कसरि हो, के मतलब?, लुटेकोले अहिले राज्य वा राज्यका दलाल ठानिएका ठेकेदार, कर्मचारी , बैंक, मालपोत जे जतिलाई लुट्न सकिन्छ लुटेर बदला लिनु नै क्रान्ति हो र क्रान्तिकारी कार्यभार हो भन्ने कुरालाइ जनताको मनमा यस्तरी घुसाइएको छ कि भनि साध्य छैन. बिजुलीको तार तान्न गयो हजार गुना मुआब्जा माग्छन. संगठित भएर आफ्नो हीत रक्षा गर्ने सिद्धान्त यति विद्रूप भएको छ कि हर क्षेत्रलाइ खासमा कसै प्रति कुनै जवाफ देहिता नभएको, कुनै कानुन अनुशासनले नछुने सिन्डिकेटले चलाई रहेको छ. मनमौजी गर्ने, ललाई फकाई गर्ने, हक अधिकारका मात्र कुरा गर्ने र राज्यलाई जिन्न, इश्वर जस्तो बनाएर पेश गर्ने सबै आधार असफल संविधानसभाका खेस्रामा यत्र तत्र पाइन्छ.

केहि बौद्धिक भनाउँदाले मान्छे अल्मल्याउने जिम्मा लिएका छन्. एकजना भर्खर तालिम दिंदै थिए. र भन्दै थिए कि चीनमा माओत्सेतुङ्गले सबैलाई खाना, आवास र कपडाको प्रवन्ध गरेका थिए . कसले सम्झाओस कि माओ को लामो-फड्को अभियानमा २ करोड मान्छे खानै नपाएर मरेका थिए. कोहि भन्छन नर्वे, डेनमार्क आदि देशमा सबै कुराको जिम्मा सरकारले लिन्छ. कसले सम्झाओस कि नर्वेमा १९६५ मा तेल खानी निस्किए पछी सबैकालागि शिक्षालाइ जोड दिइयो. र उन्नति हुँदै जाँदा क्षमताले भ्याए अनुसारका सामाजिक सुरक्षाका योजना पनि थपिंदै गए. संबिधानमा लेखेर भए भरको जिम्मा राज्यले लिने सभ्य राष्ट्र संसारमा छँदै छैन. अहिले सिंगो युरोप आर्थिक मन्दीले ग्रस्त छ. सामाजिक सुरक्षाले गर्दा लम्पट र असक्षम नागरिक पंक्ति तयार भएको गुनासो पनि छ. राज्य भनेको त सक्षम नागरिकबाट उठेको कर ले चल्ने निकाय हो. यहाँ त राज्य भनेको राष्ट्र बैंक हो र राष्ट्र बैंक भनेको नोट छाप्ने मेसिन हो भन्ने जस्तो भएको छ.

मुख्य कुरा नागरिकको उत्पादनशील क्षमता र बौद्धिक उन्नयनमा राज्यले लगानी गर्नु पर्छ. अधिकार त्यसले पाउँछ जसले दावी गर्छ. त्यसले दावी गरेको सुहाउँछ जो आफ्नो संलग्नता, तत्परता र उत्पादकत्व सावित गर्न सक्छ. राज्यले पछाडी परेकाको बर्गिकरण गर्नु पर्छ. त्यस्तो बर्गिकरणका आधार समय क्रम अनुसार फरक फरक हुन्छ. जो सबभन्दा बढी पछाडी परेको छ त्यसलाई सबभन्दा बढी अवसर र संरक्षण दिनु पर्छ. तर हामीकहाँ त सभासद भै सकेको मान्छे आफ्नैलागि दलित कोटाको आरक्षण मागी रहन्छ. दलितका सन्तान संधै दलित रहने हो भने हामी जातिवादका पक्षधर हौँ कि त्यसको उन्मुलन तर्फ सचेष्ट नागरिक? जनजाति, मधेसी आदिका नाममा अनेक थरि आरक्षण माग्नेहरुका ताँती हेर्नुस आ आफ्नो ठाउँका अधिकांश ठालुहरुकै बोलबाला छ. अभिभावक राजकीय पद बाहेकको जागीर देख्दैनन. सन्तान आरक्षण बाहेकमा भविष्य देख्दैनन भने हाम्रो भविष्य कस्तो होला?

हामी नेपाली ४० लाख भन्दा बढी बैदेशिक रोजगारीमा छौं. झन्डै १ करोड इन्टरनेट सम्पर्कमा छौं. २ करोड भन्दा बढी मोबाइल र त्यसमा पनि स्मार्ट फोन चलाउँछौं. ४ सय भन्दा बढी स्थानीय रेडियो स्टेसन छन्. के आजका नेपालीलाई जात, थर र भए नभएका अनर्थ प्रयोग गरेर झुक्याउन सकिएला? किमार्थ सकिन्न. नेपालको झन्डै ६० प्रतिशत आवादी तन्नेरीको छ. कसरि सम्भव छ झुक्याउन? अबको पुस्ताले दुइ कुरामा सम्झौता गर्दैन; सार्वजनिक नैतिकता र व्यक्तिगत जवाफदेहिता. नैतिकता र जवाफदेहिताको सम्परिक्षण गर्न आजको पुस्ता प्रविधी, चेतना र अनुभवले पोख्त हुँदै जाने क्रममा छ. अगुवाई गर्छु भन्ने महानुभावहरुले बेलैमा चेते बेश.